|
GROUND EFFECT
CHAPTER FOUR The small lake was shaped like a pair of elongated eggs connected by a narrow strip of water. One side was much larger than the other. The whole thing appeared to be cantilevered out of the ice-covered mountainside on a large shelf at the end of a long, steep spire of a peak that split the glacier into two tongues. The lake was at the downhill end of the split, protected by the northeast end of the spire. The glacier rejoined below the lake and remained intact for perhaps half a mile before it petered out into a canyon with sheer walls and a floor that was a jumble of boulders. This eventually led to the vast plain left by receding glaciers. The whole area around the small lake was littered with boulders protruding from the snow. The only living plants, other than moss and lichen that coated all rocks, was a cluster of willow bushes and three scrub mountain spruce where the lake flowed over into a waterfall. The other end of the lake was guarded by a wall of ice that made a takeoff impossible. One glance was enough to tell both that a landing might be possible from either end but there was only one way to take off. When Tim at last saw his father, he was standing on a bare rock that jutted out into the lake like a peninsula giving the lake its double-egg shape. Grant’s right arm was high in the air, still flashing the mirror. “That’s him,” Frank said, looking at Grant through the spinning propeller. Then he added, smiling at his own command of the obvious, “Not likely to be anybody else, is it?” Frank came in low over the full length of the lake, getting an extra few seconds to look at Grant and the plane. He revved the engine a time or two by way of greeting. Grant stopped waving and stood watching as the plane roared past no more than fifty feet from him. Tim didn’t say anything because now that he knew not only that his father was alive but he had also crashed his plane. Frank didn’t bother waving at Grant as they went past. Tim doubted that he even tried to make eye contact. In Frank’s way of thinking, Grant was alive, he was standing and signaling. That was enough for the moment. It was more important that he study the lake. An instant after passing Grant they passed the plane at the far end of the lake. “There’s not much left of it,” Frank said. Tim barely got a glimpse of it before Frank had to open the throttle to climb and bank away from the lake. He turned in the seat and looked back and saw the wreck long enough to know the plane would never fly again. The Fairchild lay on its left side just beyond the edge of the lake and was partly sheltered by three scrub spruce trees. The impact had spun the plane slightly to the left. The right wing was intact, sticking up at a 45-degree angle but the left was folded back beside the fuselage neatly as the wing of a swimming duck. The floats were knocked off and lay together just between the plane and the lake, one crossed over the other like a dog’s paws. The fuselage seemed to be intact but the engine was lying in the snow completely separated from its mounts, face down with the mangled propeller almost hidden in the snow. It wasn’t necessary for them to speculate what happened. Grant had to make a forced landing and ran out of lake, and in doing so he had made the traditional bush-pilot choice while trying to exercise control over his crash. He apparently lifted the plane out of the water just before hitting the protruding boulders, trying to clear them and reach the trees to let them be his brakes. He didn’t make it. The boulders knocking off the floats would have slowed him some, and then if he had been luckier the trees would have taken the wings. That tactic had saved some lives in Alaska and northern Canada, and every bush pilot swore by it; find two trees and go between them. But Grant hadn’t reached the trees and the unyielding boulders had stopped him. Why he was forced down was a question that would have to wait until they rescued him, but it was obviously the engine. For now, the why of his being there was irrelevant? That was a topic for future conversations, after he was home again. All of this registered in Tim’s mind after he got a good look at his father standing on the smooth boulder. He was wearing his heavy sheepskin coat, a black wool watch cap and high-laced boots. He had strung a tarp between two boulders behind him for shelter, and Tim thought he could see the smudge of a campfire near the tarp. He wondered what he found to burn since wood was not in abundance here at the very edge of the tree line. Grant didn’t wave as they flew past, but Tim waved and tried to make eye contact. He was certain his father gave him an embarrassed grin. “Okay,” Frank said. “We are going to scare the hell out of him. I’m going to come in as though we are landing so we can see if it will work. I don’t think it will. There just isn’t enough water. He’ll probably think we’re going to try to do what he couldn’t.” Tim said nothing. Now he knew what had to be done to rescue his father. Furthermore, he knew who would have to do the rescue. A light cross breeze was blowing up the mountain and over the glacier, sending a vague ripple across the lake when they came in. There was no room for a long, textbook approach and Frank had to kick the right rudder to turn tail into the cross wind and side-slip the Fairchild to lose speed and altitude, then straighten again and let it glide down to the lake. When Grant saw what Frank was apparently going to do, he began waving his right arm wildly while keeping the rest of his body rigid. Frank came in low and slow, and had he actually landed, he could have dropped the floats on the lake less than 10 feet from the edge. He then counted aloud, “One thousand one, one thousand two, one thousand...” and they were almost at the end of the lake. He shoved the throttle all the way ahead and pulled back on the wheel and banked to the right at the same time, then lifted the left wing to just clear the boulders jutting from the mountainside. Then he quickly lifted the right wing to be sure he cleared the trees. The trees whipped beneath them with several feet to spare. “Not a chance,” Frank said. “Need eight to ten seconds on the water, and we didn’t even have four.” Tim had been counting, also, in his own way and he was as frightened as he was satisfied. “Okay, we play Santa Claus on the next pass,” Frank added, as if he wanted to change the subject. “Are you hungry?” Tim asked. “No,” Frank answered, then laughed. “We’ll make two passes.” Tim loosened his seat belt and reached back to wrestle the duffle bag onto his lap. He held the leather strap with his right hand and prepared to open the door with his left because the bag was too big to go through the window. Frank brought the plane around and came in low and slow, and a little uphill from Grant so the package wouldn’t roll into the lake. “Say when,” Tim said, “I can’t see anything over here.” He opened the door slightly, letting in a blast of cold air. “Get ready,” Frank said. Tim pushed the door open against the wind and held it open with his right foot. There was little chance that Tim would fall out but Frank grasped his belt to be sure. “On three,” Frank said. “One. Two. Almost, annnnnd...Three!” Tim heaved the bag out with both hands and closed the door, then re-buckled his seat belt. Frank released his grip on Tim’s belt and in the same movement banked into another long turn. When they came back Grant was struggling through the snow, dragging the bag slowly, post-holing, breaking through the crust every step and sinking almost to his thighs. Then Tim noticed that his left arm was hanging loosely. “It looks like his arm is broken,” Tim said. Frank didn’t reply. “Take the wheel,” Frank said. “If we’re going to donate our meal, the man should have something to read while he eats.” Frank took a notebook out of the briefcase he carried wedged between the seats and scrawled a note on the back of a blank receipt, speaking the words aloud as he wrote them: “Having wonderful time. Wish you were here. Be back soon with brilliant plan for your rescue. Signed, your rescuer and devoted son.” “He’ll like that,” Tim said. Frank rummaged beneath his seat and came up with what he called his favorite garment--which he had never worn--a tattered, oil-stained, ankle-length bright yellow rain slicker he bought in a pawnshop. He just liked the idea of it, he said. Made him feel like a real cowboy. He wrapped it around the paper sack and used electrician’s tape to secure it. Tim didn’t say anything but it looked like something rescued from the Juneau garbage dump. “Ain’t that pretty?” Frank asked. “My turn to drop.” Tim came in a little higher and faster than Frank because he didn’t trust the wind that could lift the plane if it came in from the east, or pound them down like walking into a waterfall if the wind was coming in over the top from the west. Frank popped open the window and held the package outside with both hands so Grant would know who was flying and gave it a push when Tim said, “Three!” Now Grant knew what they were doing and had stopped the frantic waving. Tim looked at the fuel gauge. More than half a tank. He hadn’t felt anything unusual with the wind. “One more pass?” Tim asked. “I want to come in lower from the other end.” Frank looked at Tim and shrugged. “Sure.” Tim made a long, easy turn, lined up as much as the canyon walls would permit and glided in, the engine barely above idling, giving it almost no power. He wouldn’t let himself think of anything except the plane and the target he would have to hit. He had never concentrated so completely, and was totally unaware of Frank or anything else except the lake and the feel of the airplane. He brought the plane in just over the boulders that looked like lumps beneath a comforter, followed the contours of the glacier with ten to twenty feet to spare, one hand on the wheel, the other on the throttle, giving it just a little extra now, then back to idle again. Tim was unaware of his own movements that caused the plane to raise one wing slightly, then drop just a bit lower, then rise again a foot or two in the aerial ballet. Toward the end of the approach, Tim had to rise a bit to clear the low trees and boulders that guarded the lake’s outlet. Instead of giving it a shot of power, he used the maneuver to slow the plane even more, the wheel feeling dangerously loose in his hand, almost all resistance gone, on the very brink of a stall. Shortly before the trees whipped beneath them, Tim stamped the left rudder pedal against the firewall, twisted the wheel to the left, felt the tail swing around and the left wing drop, and now he was looking out the window almost straight down at the lake. They were barely beyond the trees and the Fairchild was wallowing sideways like a shoebox flung into the wind. They were dropping rapidly, the lake rushing up at them. In the same smooth motion he had practiced with the Stearman many times, he straightened the plane and gave it enough throttle to give the elevators something to work with. The floats kissed the water, skipped, then stuck. Tim jerked the wheel back and held it in his lap and kept the plane on the water for no more than two seconds, too fast for the floats to form a suction and sink below the step. Then he jammed the throttle all the way open with the heel of his hand, held the plane on the water for two or three beats, then pulled up and away, banking to the left and down the canyon. It was a remarkable bit of flying and Frank had remained calm through the whole procedure, even putting his hands over both eyes for Grant’s amusement as the Fairchild skimmed over the lake in front of him. “I don’t want to know what you are thinking,” Frank said. “And I don’t think I want to be there when you tell G.P.” They both laughed and settled back from the flight back to Jeffersonville. “Oh, one thing more,” Frank said. “I think we’d better have a closer look to see what the chances are of walking out. Go around again and stay on your side of the canyon at about 200 feet. I know the answer but we’ve got to look.” Tim turned and came in over his father again, made a banking left turn and glided down the canyon toward Lake Atlin. It was as bad as they feared. The glacier was deeply crevassed all the way from above the lake to its broad snout. Below the glacier for perhaps half a mile was a field of boulders that gradually smoothed out to the broad plain. A rescue party might get in and out but Grant would need both hands to get up and down the ridges of the rotten glacier. He was stranded. If he came out it would have to be in an airplane. “That’s enough of a death-defying air show for your father,” Frank said, and leaned back and closed his eyes. “Let’s go home and talk about this. Finding him was the easy part. From now on we earn the right to call ourselves aviators.” Curriculum Vitae
CURRICULUM VITAE FICTION HENRI AND THE OLD AMERICAN. Ann Arbor MI: Fatcat Books. 2004. The story of an American who moves to France, buys a Citroen 2CV, and learns the culture of his adopted country. GROUND EFFECT. Lincoln NE: iUniverse. 2002. An adventure story about a teenaged boy who rescues his bush pilot father with an open cockpit Stearman biplane. It is also the story of how a group of lonely misfits have helped raise the boy. HISTORY, CURRENT AFFAIRS THE HOME FRONT: An Oral History of the War Years in America 1941-1945. New York: Playboy Press. 1981; Authors Guild backinprint.com. 2000. More than 200 persons from all over America were interviewed for this portrait of the United States during World War II. THE DAY THE WAR BEGAN. New York: Praeger. 1992. A day in the life of America on December 7, 1941, the day Pearl Harbor was attacked, as revealed in more than 200 interviews, excerpts from books, news stories, radio programs and official documents. AFTER THE GOLD RUSH. Philadelphia: Lippincott. 1976; Authors Guild backinprint.com. 2000. The description of a trip down the Yukon River today compared with the Klondike gold rush of 1897-98. CHILKOOT PASS. Anchorage: Alaska NW Publishing Co. 1973, 2004. A history and guide to the 33-mile trail that is the only overland portion of the route to the Klondike. Illustrated with the author’s photographs. THE ALASKA AIRLINES STORY. Anchorage: Alaska NW Publishing. 1981. A history of the airline and much of Alaska aviation. ALASKA BUSH PILOTS. Seattle: Superior Publishing Co. l969. Authors Guild backinprint.com. 2000. A history of the pioneer float-plane pilots of Southeast Alaska. THE LEWIS AND CLARK TRAIL. Harrisburg: Stackpole. 1978; Authors Guild backinprint.com. 2000. A history of the expedition with a guide to the route today, illustrated with drawings of plants and animals the explorers discovered. WORK BOATS OF THE PACIFIC COAST. Seattle: Sasquatch. 1992. An illustrated guide to the major types of work boats on the West Coast; fishing boats, tugs, ferries, pilot boats, etc. COMMISSIONED HISTORIES THE TILLAMOOK WAY: A history of the small dairy cooperative in Oregon that makes some of the best cheddar cheese in America. DARIGOLD: The largest dairy cooperative in the western U.S. and the fifth largest in the country wanted a history written for its 75th anniversary. ALASKA AIRLINES STORY: One of America’s most colorful airlines commissioned this history for its 50th anniversary. CRESCENT FOODS: The centennial history of the Seattle spice company perhaps best known for inventing the imitation maple syrup called Mapleine. EDMONDS: THE FIRST CENTURY: Edmonds, a small town north of Seattle, commissioned this illustrated history for its centennial. PHOTO, ART BOOKS ELTON BENNETT: His Life and Art. Seattle: Writing Works. 1979. A biography of the most popular artist who ever lived in the Northwest with more than 30 of his silk-screens reproduced. PACIFIC SEA AND SHORE. (Ray Atkeson photos). Seattle: Writing Works. 1982. A photo-essay book covering the entire Pacific coastline of North America. PORTRAIT OF SEATTLE. (Ed Cooper photos.) Portland: Graphic Arts. 1980. A selection of Cooper’s best Seattle photos with my text. LEWIS AND CLARK COUNTRY. Portland: (David Muench photos.) Beautiful America. 1978. My text describing the route today interspersed with selections from the explorers’ journals. WYOMING. (Russell Lamb photos.) Portland: Graphic Arts. 1978. A coffee-table photo book with my text. CALIFORNIA: It’s Coast and Desert (Robert Reynolds photos.)Portland: Graphic Arts Center. 1974. A coffee-table book with my text. OREGON II. (Ray Atkeson photos.) Portland: Graphic Arts. 1974. Another in the series of coffee-table books on each state. WASHINGTON II. (Ray Atkeson photos). Portland: Graphic Arts. 1974. Coffee-table book on Washington. OREGON COAST. (Ray Atkeson photos.) Portland: Graphic Arts. 1972. Another in the coffee-table books by the Portland publisher. MOODS OF THE COLUMBIA. Seattle: Superior Publishing. 1969. A selection of the best black and white photographs by regional photographers of the Columbia River. TRAVEL, OUTDOOR RECREATION THE SEATTLE GUIDEBOOK. Seattle: Globe Pequot Press. 1975-1994. This guide has been in existence longer than any other in Seattle and is updated every two years. It also has a chronology of Seattle’s history and an almanac. SEATTLE, VANCOUVER AND VICTORIA: A Guide to The Evergreen Triangle. Vancouver, BC: Greystone Books. 1995. A guide to the three major cities of the Northwest: Vancouver, Victoria and Seattle. COUNTRY ROADS OF WASHINGTON. Castine, ME: Country Roads Press. 1993. More than 40 of my favorite rural roads all over the state. COUNTRY ROADS OF OREGON. Castine , ME: Country Roads Press. 1993. The best scenic and historic drives in Oregon. COUNTRY ROADS OF MISSOURI. Castine, ME: Country Roads Press. 1994. The state’s most beautiful rural drives. EXPLORING THE YUKON RIVER. Seattle: The Mountaineers. 1979.A guide and history of the Yukon River from headwaters to Dawson City. Illustrated with my own photographs. ![]() Building boats on the shores of Lake Bennett, 1898. Photo by Asahel Curtis Klondike Park
TRAVELS WITH A PHOTOGRAPHER The Klondike gold rush was a boon to the fledging photographic industry; it seemed every party had at least one camera, often more. It was certainly one of the most photogenic events of the period because the route north looked almost like a nation in retreat. Some of the best photographers in North America appeared on the trails and the river with their heavy loads of equipment and took photos astonishing in their clarity and composition. This is all the more remarkable when one considers that roll film did not exist, and that the photographers had to mix the chemicals to coat the glass plates, then make the exposure, then process the plates to make a negative, and then, at last, make a print of the negative. All of this was done in tents during the daytime, sometimes behind trees on moonlit nights. Their devotion to craft is hard to believe. One such photographer was Ashael Curtis, who was 22 when the stampede began. He was the youngest of a family of three boys and one girl. One of his older brothers was named Edward Sheriff Curtis, and by the time Edward S. was old enough to vote, he had his own studio in Seattle, across Puget Sound from the family home near Port Blakley, and soon Asahel went to work for him as an assistant. Both boys were strong willed and they never got along well. Asahel found Edward bossy and Edward thought Asahel was stubborn and ungrateful. When the gold rush came, Edward made a deal with the Seattle Post-Intelligencer to supply them with photos of the stampede, and Edward sent Asahel to the Klondike to take those photos. Edward would remain in Seattle to capitalize on the new business flooding the studio. Stampeders wanted photos of themselves with their Klondike goods to send home. Storekeepers wanted photos showing their goods piled head-high outside their stores. Curtis boarded the steamship Rosalie in the autumn of 1897 with his cameras, glass-plate negatives, chemicals, paper and clothing and headed north. The skipper was the colorful Capt. John A. (Dynamite Johnny) O'Brien, the popular skipper who had befriended Soapy Smith. The purser was Charles V. LaFarge. Both seamen knew Curtis and took good care of him on the trip. LaFarge put Curtis into an empty stateroom and told him to keep the door locked and not to come out until they were well under way because the stateroom had been sold several times. Curtis did as he was told, and each night he dined with the captain and purser. When they reached Skagway, LaFarge put Curtis in the first boat to go ashore, without his camera gear, which would arrive later on one of the lighters used to transport goods between the ship and shore. Before that could occur, a storm blew in and O'Brien weighed anchor and steamed down Lynn Canal for the sheltered water at Pyramid Harbor. Curtis stood on the beach watching the ship depart, feeling very alone. Of course O'Brien brought the Rosalie back when the storm cleared and the cameras landed safely. Curtis later wrote that Skagway was filled with newspaper and magazine correspondents, and some who just said they were. Most hung around town waiting to interview people to return from White Pass. A few were returning from the Klondike that fall and winter, but most were people who were admitting defeat and going home. On Curtis's arrival, one of the correspondents asked him if he was going to the passes and Curtis said he was going all the way to the Klondike. "Ha!" the newspaperman snorted. "You won't get as far as Liarsville." Curtis had his revenge. "Two weeks later they [the skeptical correspondents] wanted to buy my undeveloped negatives." Not only did Curtis hike over the passes with his gear, he became the unofficial postman by picking up mail for men he knew along the trail; he returned to Skagway once with nearly 100 pounds of mail. He inspired part of this mail by taking photographs, printing them as postcards and selling them for $1.50 each, a reasonable price because at that time a plate of soup cost one dollar and a plate of canned tomatoes cost two dollars. All winter long Curtis alternated between the two trails and he was impressed by the wild country and the drama of the gold rush. He kept a diary sporadically, and sandwiched between orders for photos, recipes and formulas for photo chemicals, he waxed poetic because he was smitten by the poetic muse, a not-unusual occurrence in the harsh, beautiful land. An example follows: Tales of the Yukon Prelude--The mistic [sic] beauty of the mountain lake with the calm unruffled surface 'neath mountain crags with tiny cascades leaping merrily down from glaciers and ice fields above. The narrow winding of lake, more river than lake . . . Watching the throngs constantly changing what better could his chance be than that of the thousands who are before him. Seemingly every degree of the social scale has its representatives. Every possible kind of garb is to be seen. “Those who are elbowing one another represent every degree of wealth, from the richest claim holder to the poor unfortunate whose condition will compel him to go out. “The look of abstraction and gloom on many a face is heart-rending. The probable cause is the same in many cases; a mortgaged home or a farm or business that has passed into other hands [so] that the Eldorado could be reached. Those fair hills far away between which ran streams whose beds were pebbles of gold have faded. Weeks and months of hard work coupled with in many cases poor food have left the system weakened. . . " Curtis had no burning desire to go on down to Dawson City because he was enjoying the drama of the passes and earning a good living taking photos of the stampeders, selling prints and keeping the negatives. No record remains of the agreement with the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, and few if any of the photos were published. Nor is it possible to determine how many glass plate negatives he sent back to Edward's studio. Apparently he didn't send many because they were still in Asahel's possession when he died. In March, 1898, when winter had several more weeks to go, Curtis met some old friends from Seattle on Lake Tagish, Eugene C. Allen and Zach F. Hickman. Allen was a printing salesman for Metropolitan Press in Seattle and Hickman was a printer for the same firm. They had talked the owners into staking them to a newspaper in Dawson City and sent Hickman up the previous winter to look over the situation. Hickman returned with the news that "gold is like flour up there. We'll clean up a million." Allen and Hickman spent the rest of the winter in Seattle preparing for the trip. They spent two weeks training two dog teams hitched to sleds. Allen always had misgivings about the dogs because Seattle's dog population had been drastically decimated by the gold rush; the best and biggest had already either bought or stolen, so most of Allen and Hickman's training period was spent stopping fights, untangling harness and shouting until they were hoarse. In February 1898 the two partners boarded the City of Seattle with their newspaper equipment and dog teams. Like most, they headed for the passes rather than the St. Michael route. They were certain someone else would see the need for a newspaper and they wanted to be the first down the river with a press. They knew they could travel overland with dog teams and arrive long before the first boats would arrive from St. Michael. They took a small press for job printing and a portable flatbed press for the newspaper, enough type for normal job printing orders, nonpareil type for the newspaper and enough paper to last a year. This was in addition to the required year's supply of food and $600 in cash. Two more men had decided to join them in the dash: George Allen, Eugene's brother, and Ed Brandt, a relative of Hickman. Outside Skagway Allen met a Seattle friend named Joe Dizard, who decided to accompany Allen and help him build a cabin to have ready while the other men came as fast as possible with the newspaper equipment. Allen and Dizard were on their way to Dawson City when they met Curtis on Windy Arm of Lake Tagish. They had no trouble enlisting Curtis to go along and share experience in the area. The three men with a three-dog team pulling a sled struck out for the Mounties' Tagish Post and here they ran into problems because they were traveling too light. Allen and Dizard were traveling with only about 200 pounds of food and Allen had only about $15 in his pocket. Curtis was carrying his camera equipment, a change of clothes, a few dollars and very little food. It was a touchy situation because the Yukon ice was beginning to break and there were stories of men falling through the rotten ice and drowning. Allen was in a hurry to stake his newspaper claim in Dawson City, and Dizard was in a hurry to stake a gold claim on Walsh Creek, where he had heard a new strike had been made. It didn't make that much difference to Curtis because he was along for the adventure and would return to the passes when Allen and Dizard were safely on their way. There was only one way they could get past the Mountie post at Tagish and that was for someone to go back to the post on Lake Bennett and get passes the Mounties there could issue to permit people to go down the river with less than the required equipment. Curtis volunteered to go for them since he had more snow experience than the others. It was 60 miles each way, on soft snow that made walking difficult and lake ice that was turning blue. Yet Curtis made the 120-mile trip in only four days. The next few days terrified all three men, and Allen later wrote that they were the most dangerous of the trip and perhaps of his entire life. The Mounties advised them to sit still for the next several days while the ice thawed but they were in a hurry and went ahead. “After the snow got soft and the ice rotten," Allen later wrote, "it was almost suicide to move over the Klondike Trail. We were now facing that danger with the advance of April. But Joe was all pepped up over that reported gold strike on Walsh Creek--which did not interest me at all--and I was just as determined to get to Dawson. “What I wanted to do was get past the death-defying White Horse Rapids in Fifty Mile River [the Yukon between Marsh Lake and Miles Canyon] while I could still get across on the ice. That would let me get down to the foot of Lake Laberge, at the start of the Thirty Mile River. There I would be in a position to shoot that river on a raft into the Lewes River and so on into the main Yukon and to Dawson, while the other stampeders were held up on the lakes behind, waiting for the ice to break up. "Fifty Mile and Thirty Mile Rivers were swift streams. The ice would break up first in them, while the lakes behind were still frozen. There was no trail on the right below Whitehorse because of the precipitous cliffs, so that to get below them the stampeders either had to portage around the right hand side of Miles Canyon, then cut across on river ice below the canyon, and portage around Whitehorse on the left hand side, or else it was necessary to wait until the ice was out of the whole river and shoot both Miles Canyon and White Horse Rapids on a raft, scow or in a boat. “You can see what it meant to me to get down there and across the river between Miles Canyon and Whitehorse before the river ice broke up, and already the reports were coming in that the ice was going out any day, and was already too dangerous to travel on." On April 8, 1898, the three men got up at 3 a.m. and began the dangerous three-day journey. They traveled 10 miles down the river below Marsh Lake, and Allen said that the ice was breaking "like rotten cloth, and every step we had to watch that we did not plunge to death through an air pocket or a rotten spot." Several times during that day they were caught on floating cakes of ice, three men, three dogs pulling a loaded sled, twirling down the frigid river in a dangerous Keystone Kops routine. Each time the ice broke free beneath their feet, they were able to jump to more solid ice or to shore without getting too wet. “Lord," Allen wrote in his diary that night. "I hope the ice holds up and gives us a chance." Nobody slept well that night. They broke camp early and headed down the moving, snapping ice toward Miles Canyon, where the water was so fast that ice seldom formed. On the way they were struck by a severe snowstorm that held them up for a few hours. The portage trail around Miles Canyon led over a steep hill and when Curtis and Allen went ahead of Dizard and the dogs to scout it, they found the ice covered with running water. “The ice is still there," Allen wrote in his diary, "but there is nearly a foot of water over it now and it may go out any minute. Lord, but what next is going to happen to us?" The day was clear and the sun bright, and on the way back to Dizard and the dogs, Allen was stricken with snow blindness. "This minute I can see nothing in the light and my eyes are throbbing as though they were being torn from their sockets," he wrote, "and I can hardly see to write these lines. Yet tonight we must work all night packing our outfits on our backs up around Miles Canyon and across that rotten ice below. No one but a fool would dare death like that, but we are going to make it!" The next day, Sunday, April 10, Allen wrote that he worked with eyes that throbbed incessantly and stayed with Curtis and Dizard all night, packing everything over the portage. When they prepared to cross the river, water was swirling over the ice a food deep or more. Allen took a stick and walked out onto the ice, paying out a rope fastened to a shovel handle anchored in the solid shore ice. He still could hardly see and suffered a mild case of vertigo as the ice swayed and bucked beneath him. He reached the opposite shore safely and fastened the other end of the rope to a tree so they could use it as a safety line. Then, the two other men carried their loads across. By the time their gear and dogs were across, the water was knee-deep. “Hardly has we made that final trip when the ice went out with a sickening, crushing roar," Allen wrote that night, "and now the river between Miles Canyon and White Horse Rapids flows unhampered behind us. That was the nearest I ever came to death, and about as near as I ever want to get until my time comes. “We're across! That's the big thing. Nothing can stop us from making it through!" The trio arrived at Lake Laberge on April 15, where they caught up with a rival printing plant they had heard was ahead of them. It would be delayed until the owners could build a raft large enough to carry it safely. Allen and Dizard made arrangements to float down the river on a large passenger raft that was almost complete. Curtis turned around and went back to the passes, taking the dog team and sled back to meet Allen's partners. After spending a year on the trails, Curtis decided he should go on down to Dawson City before freezeup in 1898. He stayed until the high lakes began freezing. A friend from Seattle named Wesley Young was with a group of young men on the White Pass Trail and Curtis said he warned them against trying to cross on the ice. They ignored him and two men went through the ice and drowned. He later told of being so destitute at one point that he was walking along the river trying to get the courage to beg for food when he found a few coins on the bank, enough to save him the indignity of begging. Years later he also told of watching a boat go through the White Horse Rapids that appeared doomed because it went crosswise to the current and the dark figure at the stern did nothing to help. At the last moment a side current caught it and spun it back around with the bow into the rapids. Curtis said he was impressed with the occupant's boat-handling abilities and he watched as it raced past him. The dark figure in the stern was a large black dog, apparently set adrift by accident. Curtis hiked on down to Lake Bennett and joined a group of men who were building boats for the trip downriver. He only identified one of them in his diary and in photo captions, Charles Ainsworth. They went down the river and that fall filed a claim at 60 Above Sulfur, which means theirs was the 60th claim upstream from the discovery claim on Sulfur Creek. They built a snug spruce log cabin and put real glass in the windows, probably some of Curtis's plates for negatives. The cabin was the only worthwhile thing the men built; the claim was worthless. It was near the streambed and every time they tried to sink a shaft, the creek waters seeped up into the hole. Like all Klondike miners, they worked through the winter when the streams supposedly would be frozen and wouldn't flood their shaft. Then they could build a fire in the hole, keep it going for several hours, put it out and dip out the water, mud and ore-bearing gravel, then build another fire. Because the creek was so near, to be safe they built a dam to divert it away from their claim, but as Curtis's diary entries show, nothing worked right: December 25, 1898: A little colder. Kept working on dam to freeze it as much as possible. Got a lot of wood. We had 2 hours' sunshine today. The success of our winter's work hangs upon this one thing; whether the dam holds or not. January 1, 1899: Watched water rise slowly. The bench on west side of Sulfur must have discharged gold on the surface and perhaps there is still a deposit on the hillside. This may be small but rich. Two small streams flow down the bank, each seeming to carry gold and at the foot gold is found. This is not on bedrock but on muck which also carries a little gold. January 3: Clean out for morning and evening fires. Day clear and cold probably about 30 below. A little water drains into hole each day but probably only the ice in the ground. Put in evening fire but do not light it until 9 p.m. When Charley goes to light he finds water dripping from northwest corner and so did not dare light a fire. January 4: Get up very late. Day cold. Water still dripping in hole and also forcing on top of ice. We cut a trench from below trying to tap the stream and although we get water we still do not decrease the force above the dam. Boys from 63 came down for a game of cribbage. January 12: Fletcher, Fredericks and myself go down to 57 Above. Go down in shaft. They seem to have bottomed the hole on a hill of bedrock. They have drifted off on three sides down an incline. In one place behind a boulder they found some pay. Bedrock seems in waves. A very thick layer of gravel. Later I was at 63 and down in shaft. They have gone through considerable slide and yellow clay. They went eight feet through bedrock and later came back up and built a platform. A very thin layer of poorly washed gravel. Depth of hole, 19 feet four inches; to windlass floor, about 18 feet. I fire No. 2 as we plan to sink it to bedrock if possible, otherwise we have decided to abandon the claim. Curtis's last diary entry is on Thursday, February 16, 1899, when he had given up on the claim and was back concentrating on photography. He and Eugene Allen had planned for Curtis to work as photographer and engraver on the newspaper Allen founded, the Klondike Nugget, but the newspaper was never very profitable for Allen, although it outlived its competitors. Allen eventually lost it through bad investments. “If I had a few more friends such as I have I would succeed very well," Curtis wrote as his last diary entry. He went back to Seattle later that year after being gone nearly two years. He returned home very much his own man after the experience of the Klondike. During Asahel’s absence Edward had gone to Alaska with the Harriman scientific expedition and returned with excellent photos that attracted a lot of attention throughout the country, and equally important, he had made contacts on the expedition that transformed him from a local studio photographer into a famous documentary photographer. When Asahel at last returned, he and Edward had a serious quarrel over who owned the negatives of photos Asahel had taken on the trip. They never spoke to each other again. Edward became the foremost photographer of Native Americans in history, and was underwritten by J.P. Morgan. Asahel operated a studio in Seattle for nearly four decades, documenting the growth of the city and much of the Northwest. He was one of the three founders of The Mountaineers, and resigned a few years later after several heated debates with club members on the growth vs. conservation issue. When he died in 1941, his children sent a telegram to Edward. Edward never responded. Some History One of the odd facts about the Yukon River is that it begins less than twenty miles from the Pacific Ocean, yet travels more than 2000 miles (3,200 km) in a sweeping arc before it finally reaches that ocean. This westernmost reach of the river begins at Crater Lake just below the summit of Chilkoot Pass, that historic gap in the Coast Range that forms the boundary between Alaska and Canada. The other irony is that the Yukon River was probably the first major North American river used by man, but was the last discovered by the restless Europeans working their way across the New World. This is not surprising considering its course through a rather hostile environment that discouraged merchants and their traveling salesmen of two centuries ago. It is that same environment that today limits its use for recreational purposes to only about one-fourth of the calendar. Except for a few legends preserved by the Indians, little is known of life along the river before the arrival of the journal- and ledger-keeping white men. Our accurate knowledge goes only to the first contact between the disparate cultures and any records coming from that contact must be tempered with tolerance for cultural differences. Traditionally, the Indians of the North, who now call themselves First Nations People, limited themselves to the forests and left the treeless tundra and Arctic Coast to the Eskimos, or Inuits. In the Yukon and Northern British Columbia, the area we're concerned with here, the Indians were broken down roughly into five major tribes: The Tagish in what is now the Whitehorse, Carcross and Tagish area; the Inland Tlingit, as differentiated from the coastal Tlingit in Southeast Alaska; the Tutchone, especially the northern branch, along the middle section of the river, and the Han in the Dawson City area. Also playing a major role in the Yukon were the Chilkats of Lynn Canal, a branch of the Tlingits. The Chilkats were the middlemen in trading who dealt with the Interior Indians, exchanging fish oil and white men's trade goods with the Interior tribes for furs, horns and other products. Little is known about them, except that they had an extremely difficult life. Their life could be a constant reminder, by the way, for those people from the southern part of the continent who plan to go north and live off the land. There are stories from the Indians' oral history of widespread famines over the years, deaths by freezing and occasional forays into cannibalism to survive. Living off the land was, and still is, a risky way to live in the Yukon. The cash economy has much to recommend itself if longevity, low infant mortality and general good health are one's goal in life. It is best to say this early in the book because when one goes on a leisurely trip down the Yukon River in midsummer when the temperature ranges up to 90 degrees, the sky fills with fluffy clouds and in the rich valleys the flowers grow and the moose and bear are seen on the river bank, then it is easy to think of the Yukon as a land of plenty. The old-timers there will agree it is the land of plenty: Plenty cold, plenty months of minus degrees below zero; and plenty work to do during the short summer preparing for winter! No one could have agreed more than the first white men on the Yukon. The first was Robert Campbell, who established Fort Selkirk at the confluence of the Pelly River and the Yukon in 1843, and the Russians who explored the upper river later. The summers and autumns were pleasant enough, but the long, cold winters, which confined the men to the tiny, smelly cabins for months on end was another matter. Considering the circumstances, one marvels that the white men, who had the choice, did not leave the employment of fur companies and head south to become farmers or clerks. But it was fur, then gold, that brought the white men into the Yukon, and it was the latter that finally caused the Yukon to be settled by permanent white residents and to completely alter the landscape and the social customs. The history of the gold rush will be told rather briefly here because it has been told so often in so many other books that one risks becoming repetitive before the books begins. A bibliography at the end lists the major books on the subject. There are a number of versions of how the first gold on the Yukon was discovered and by whom. Was it an employee of the Russian American Trading Co., of the Hudson's Bay Co., both of which were more interested in fur than gold? Or was it a minister, as some versions insist? No matter; the gold was discovered on different feeder streams, the word leaked out and a trickle of prospectors began heading north. One must bear in mind that the 19th century America was addicted to gold rushes: Those in Colorado, in California and smaller ones in the Pacific Northwest. Gold rushes were part of the social order, a cultural inheritance and one of the very few activities by which ordinary people could acquire enormous sums of money. It took several years for the biggest discovery, in the Klondike, to be made. In the meantime, prospectors worked the Yukon tributaries and found gold at Circle City, at Forty Mile, at Stewart River and dozens of smaller places. There wasn't enough for a big stampede; only enough to keep the prospectors interested and to justify having trading posts operated by men with a gambling spirit themselves. These traders would continue grubstaking serious prospectors, taking their losses with their gains, always believing the next summer, the next stream, the next prospector would hit it. They hit the big one in 1896, when a white man named George Washington Carmacks and two Indians, Tagish Charlie and Skookum Jim, the latter his brother-in-law, made the great Klondike discovery on August 17 on a stream called Rabbit Creek, but immediately renamed Bonanza Creek. Until this happened, a town called Fortymile had been the main settlement on the river because gold had been discovered on creeks leading into the Fortymile River. But the town was abandoned, almost overnight, as the miners rushed upstream, some aboard a small steamboat that arrived at the opportune moment, and others battled their way against the swift current, poling and tracking their boats to the Klondike River, and then up it a short distance to the Bonanza and other streams feeding the small river. Joe Ladue, one of the traders who was also operating a sawmill at Fortymile, moved his sawmill to a low, flat spot where the Klondike empties into the Yukon. Almost immediately he took out a land patent on the flats, paid his fee and established a town named for George M. Dawson, a Canadian geologist and explorer who was sent to the Yukon in 1887. Ladue became one of the first millionaires in the Klondike, and he did so without getting his hands dirty. As soon as possible, he returned to his hometown of Schuyler Falls, New York, and married the girl who had been waiting seventeen years for Ladue to earn what he, and her parents, considered was enough money to support her. Now this one-time destitute orphan boy was the wealthiest man in town. They were married. But the North had taken its toll. Ladue was a sick man and lived only four years longer. The Klondike strike was the dream come true for prospectors. During the remainder of that summer and through the winter they took gold out, first by the ounce, then by the pound. When summer returned and the ice cleared from the river, many were ready to return to their homes and families in the United States (most were from that country rather than Canada, where the gold was found). Thus, it was eleven months after the strike before the rest of the world knew of the event. The steamship Excelsior docked in San Francisco loaded with miners on July 15, 1897, but it wasn't until the coastal steamer, Portland, landed in Seattle after the men had gone down the Yukon by steamboat to St. Michael, Alaska, and caught the Portland, that the full impact of the strike was struck home. A newspaper reporter coined the magic words: "A ton of gold." That started the last, great gold rush and took several thousand inexperienced miners to a place none had heard of in a climate with a temperature range of 100 degrees or more. There were various routes from the United States and southern Canada to the Klondike, and many were promoted by greedy townspeople and steamship lines that resulted in deaths, dismemberments and insanity. The stampeders went up through the interior of Canada from Edmonton, Alberta, an impossible route that killed most of those attempting it; the inland route from Ashford, British Columbia, equally hazardous; the Malispina Glacier route from Alaska; the Copper River route from Cook's Inlet; the "rich man's route," from Seattle to St. Michaels and up the Yukon River, which took more than a year; and finally the Chilkoot and White Passes. The latter two were the shortest, probably the easiest when all alternatives are considered, but certainly no wilderness jaunt as described by the old California poet, Joaquim Miller, who ambled into the gold rush and trivialized it with his ill-informed opinions sent to newspapers around the country. Another California writer, John Muir, happened to be in Alaska when the gold rush began and he more accurately described the activity around Skagway as looking like a nest of ants stirred with a stick. Theoretically, these two best routes were simple. The stampeders took ships from San Francisco, Seattle, Vancouver and Victoria up the Inside Passage to the head of Lynn Canal to Skagway and Dyea. From Skagway, they went over White Pass only 40 miles (64 km) to Lake Bennett. From Dyea, which is 9 miles (14 km) from Skagway, they went 26 miles (42 km) to Lake Lindeman, or 8 miles (13 km) farther to Lake Bennett. Once over the passes, they had to do no more walking. The rest was down the chain of lakes and into the Yukon River and north to Dawson City and the Klondike gold fields. Simple. Not really. First of all, they had to somehow get roughly a ton of gear from tidewater at Skagway and Dyea over the passes to the lakes. The Canadian Mounties posted at the summits of the passes, which is the international boundary, required each person to bring in at least a year's supply of food. Their requirements brought the weight up to 1150 pounds (522 kg). Add to that the clothing, tools, firearms, etc., that each person would bring, and it roughed out at a ton. This had to be either carried on the owner's back or a back he hired to carry it. There were packers with strings of horses and mules on White Pass, but the cost was as high as the market would bear. Horses could not operate well in the Chilkoot because it was too rough. So enterprising businessmen built aerial tramways. In the early stages of the gold rush, Chilkat Indians hired out as packers, but they gradually priced themselves out of business. This was part of the problem. Other facts included wintering over in the mountains with the blizzards that are common, frigid winds, low temperatures, epidemics of spinal meningitis, theft, murder and avalanches. After they got themselves and their gear to the lakes, they then had to build or buy boats. They had to saw the green spruce and pine and build a craft that would get them through the lakes, down the river, through the rapids at Miles Canyon and below, then on down the river. During that mad winter of 1897-98, stampeders were strung out along the trail all the way from tidewater over the passes, beside Lake Bennett, Tagish Lake, Marsh Lake and down the river to Lake Laberge and beyond. All were waiting for the ice to clear from the river and lakes, and those below Lake Laberge were the first to get under way in the spring of 1898 since the river ice clears first. By the second week of June, the scraggly armada began arriving in Dawson City, all 7000-odd boats and rafts. But they were presented with a bad joke. In spite of their efforts during the past several months, all the claims worth staking had been taken by prospectors already in the Yukon. For most, the gold rush was an exercise in futility. Many caught the first paddlewheeler back down the Yukon to St. Michaels, Alaska and home. Others stayed to work for wages because they had no more money. The great gold rush became a bittersweet memory. In the meantime, another enterprise was underway that would give permanence to the Yukon River as a transportation corridor. A railroad, to be called the White Pass & Yukon Route, was being built under extremely hazardous circumstances over White Pass. The narrow-gauge rails were stretched to Lake Bennett, which took the walking out of the passes for prospectors and pack animals (which by the way, had died by the thousand), and finally past the treacherous Miles Canyon, Whitehorse and Squaw Rapids to a spot where steamboats from downriver could land. Thus began the steamboat and railroad era of the Yukon that lasted until the early 1950s, when highways were built and air service established. The railroad still exists and probably always will. The steamboats disappeared from the river. But for more than 50 years, the steamboats were there. More than 200 were built and operated on the river at different times. They hauled passengers, ore, supplies, and you-name-it between Dawson City and Whitehorse. From Whitehorse to the ocean at Skagway, the narrow-gauge trains took over. While the WP&YR was under construction, gold was discovered near Lake Atlin. There is a romantic story that tells us Fritz Miller and Kenneth McLaren took a wrong turn somewhere on Chilkoot or White Pass and ended up in the Atlin district. Shrugging, they started panning and lo! gold. Unfortunately, that is not the case. Nor is it true that a dying prospector with a sack of gold and a rough map led to the discovery there. The facts, on the other hand, appear to be that Fritz Miller's brother, George, went over the Juneau Icecap to Lake Atlin in 1896 and found "colors" but spent an equal amount of time hiding from Indians. Two years later, in January 1898, Fritz Miller and Ken McLaren went over to check the prospects for themselves and chose an easier but longer route. They went up the White Pass Trail from Skagway, then swung east from Lake Bennett to Tutshi Lake, down the Tutshi River to Tagish Lake, down it to Grahame Inlet, east up it to the Atlin River, along its banks to Lake Atlin, across it by leaky skiff to the east shore and the feeder streams where the gold was supposed to be. They found gold on Pine Creek, but left with summer for more supplies in Juneau. They turned around and headed back to Atlin with six other prospectors and the rush to Atlin soon began. When word leaked out, the crews working on the White Pass & Yukon Route roadbed began a mass exodus to Atlin, walking off the job with nearly all the railroad's shovels firmly in hand. Later on, the Atlin mining followed the course of the Klondike gold fields and hand labor by individual miners was replaced by corporate endeavor and huge dredges. The steamboat era that followed the gold rush at Dawson City and Atlin and lasted 50-odd years figured prominently on the headwater lakes. The railroad took care of the major problem of Miles Canyon and the rapids just below it by running tracks to the downstream end of the rapids to meet the steamboats coming up river. Consequently two separate steamboat routes developed: One operated on the Yukon River from Whitehorse downstream to Dawson City, and another operated on the headwater lakes from the railroad at Carcross over to Atlin. The lake boats were smaller than the flat-bottomed riverboats, and they also had keels because shallow water was not a concern and they needed the ballast for stability in the strong winds that routinely blew down off the Juneau Icecap across the long lakes. Their route ran south from Carcross to the mines on Windy Arm; east on Tagish Lake and then south onto Taku Arm and straight down its length to the delightful Ben-My-Chree (about which more will be said later) and a variety of mines and settlements, and then east on Grahame Inlet to the small, narrow-gauge railroad that ran beside the Atlin River to Lake Atlin. This railroad was the shortest line in Canada at the time, and certainly one of the shortest—at just over two miles (three km)—in the entire world. It was built to haul cargo and passengers in open cars from the Grahame Inlet station called Taku along the riverbank to Lake Atlin's Scotia Bay, where other steamboats were waiting. The tiny train engine, named "The Dutchess," ran forward one way, reverse the other. "The Duchess" is still in the lakeshore at Carcross. In Atlin, the lake steamboat, Tarahane, has been beached on Atlin's waterfront and is being restored by the local historical society. For many years the "Tutshi,” the only other surviving lake steamboat, was also on display in Carcross but it was burned by a vandal. The Headwater Lakes Lake Bennett was the end of the Chilkoot and White Pass Trails during the gold rush, and for many years was the lunch-stop for passengers and crew on the WP&YR. Trains from both Skagway and Whitehorse met at Bennett at midday and everyone had a boarding-house style roast beef lunch before continuing the trip. The train crews are changed here; Canadian crews run between Whitehorse and Bennett, American crews back and forth between Skagway and Bennett. Only a few traces of the gold rush remain around Bennett. The most prominent relic is the old church on the hill looking down the lake. It was begun in 1899, when several hundred men were still at Bennett, some working on the railroad, others either getting ready to head down the river to the Klondike or working in the shipyards at Bennett building vessels ranging from paddlewheelers to skiffs and rafts. When the railroad was completed the boatyards disappeared virtually overnight, and the church was left unfinished. The exterior was completed, but there are no walls, no floors and an uncompleted ceiling inside. The railroad and government have kept the church from gracefully falling in on itself, and funds are being allocated by the Canadian federal government to preserve it. Clustered around the church are some cabins and shacks used by trappers or migrant squatters laying over in Bennett on their way elsewhere. Those that are in decent shape are usually occupied; the others offer little more shelter than a spruce tree. On the hilltop behind the church is a cemetery dating back to the gold rush era, and a footpath leads up the stream that connects Lake Bennett and Lake Lindeman. However, it peters out when the going gets rough. The Chilkoot Trail follows the high ground over the rocks between the railroad and the stream, and winds back through the thin timber to Lake Lindeman and up the chain of lakes to the summit. Just below the church on the lakeshore is a group of pilings built during the brief steamboat era on the lake, and against the steep bank directly beneath the church is a series of cavities dug out of the sand bank. These depressions date back to the gold rush when the stampeders leveled out sites against the hillside for tents and cabins. Lake Bennett was named by Lt. Schwatka during his trip in 1883 to honor James Gordon Bennett, the publisher of the New York Herald Tribune who sponsored the Stanley search in Darkest Africa for Dr. Livingston. It is 26 miles (41 km) long with steep mountains jutting up from either side at the southern end. The Bennett Range rises on the west side and a series of peaks on the east side crowned by Montana Mountain, 7280 feet 2219m), about halfway down the lake. The southern section of the lake is never more than a mile wide and usually less than a half-mile wide, and has all the classic characteristics of a fjord. Campsites are sparse along this section, except on the east side between the WP&YR tracks and the lake. The best campsites are found on the small, low islands that form the boundary between British Columbia and the Yukon. Farther north, beyond the entrance of West Arm, are some campsites on the west side. But you must use caution crossing the lake near the West Arm entrance due to the strong winds that frequently whip down from the Coast Range. The scenery along the lake is spectacular with sheer cliffs jutting upward from the water's edge and numerous waterfalls streaming down from melting snowfields above. The lake water is tinted green and the bottom is visible to forty feet below. The most spectacular scene on Lake Bennett is southwest down the open end of West Arm. The row of high, snow-covered peaks of the Coast Range are on view and gives the lake a sudden, arctic look quite different from the lower, barren peaks closer to the lake. Lake Bennett ends at the small community of Carcross, where a very short stream empties Lake Bennett into a small lake named Nares, which in turn feeds into Tagish Lake. Carcross originally was called Caribou Crossing because the woodland caribou (as differentiated from the migratory caribou of the Arctic Coast) used the shallow stream as a crossing. Most historians give Bishop William Carpenter Bompas, the famous Anglican priest who lived in the Yukon for years before and during the gold rush, credit with naming the town because he was fond of abbreviating whenever possible to save himself from writer's cramp. Another less colorful version is that another town elsewhere in Canada already had the name of Caribou Crossing, so the abbreviation was adopted. Carcross has become a thriving town in recent years a post office, hotels with bars and restaurants, a general store, service station and railroad depot. It is a popular stop for tourists traveling alone and in groups. Across the railroad bridge, on the south side of Nares Lake, is the Indian community and cemetery where Skookum Jim, Tagish Charlie and Kate Carmacks, George W. Carmack's first wife, the co-discoverers of the Klondike gold were buried. Nares Lake is a shallow, narrow lake that more closely resembles a broad, slow river. It is three miles (five km) long and connects Lakes Bennett and Tagish. It is picturesque with Nares Mountain rising on its north side and Montana Mountain on the south. The shore is wooded with willow, spruce and poplar and has several open grassy areas. Most of the best camping sites are on the south shore. Nares usually is very calm and offers a brief respite from fighting the swells of the larger lakes it connects. Tagish Lake is about 17 miles (27 km) long from Nares to the broad stream that connects it to Marsh Lake. About three miles (about 2 km) down the lake on the southern side is Windy Arm, a fjord that juts southward into the Coast Range and terminates beneath Mt. Racine and Mt. Conrad. Because of the winds that sweep down from Windy Arm, it is best to follow the north shore of Tagish Lake when crossing the entrance of Windy Arm. The best camping sites are also along the north shore, which has a series of low, terraced flats with small streams emptying into the lake. After passing Windy Arm, the scenery opens up considerably and the surrounding mountains take on a gray color. Some boaters recommend crossing the lake to the south shore beyond Windy Arm to take what protection the shore has to offer from the prevailing south winds and just before the entrance of Taku Arm, cross back again to the north shore so the south wind will be almost directly from the stem. Often boaters can see the whitecaps of Windy Arm and Taku Arm a mile or two away, which will give adequate time to switch sides of the lake. At the risk of being repetitious, it is wise to allow extra time while traveling the lakes to sit out rough weather. More lives have been lost on Tagish Lake where Windy Arm enters than any other place along the lakes or Yukon River. Windy Arm is similar in appearance to Bennett sans the railroad, with steep mountains rising from near the lakeshore. It is 12 miles (19 km) long and limited of campsites. About four miles (about 3 km) south on the west side is the abandoned town of Conrad, which had hotels, stores, restaurants and churches during the first decade of this century. It was the headquarters of Conrad Consolidated, Ltd., which operated a mine nearby until 1912 when the town and mine were abandoned. A few old buildings including the mine itself remain along with relics of the period. At the end of Windy Arm is a three-mile-long portage trail that leads over to Tutshi Lake, a long, narrow and curving lake some 200 feet higher than the larger lakes around it. Continuing east on Tagish Lake past the Windy Arm, still another lake comes into it from the south, this one named Taku Arm, which will be discussed later. Where the two lakes join, civilization returns in the form of summer homes built mostly by Whitehorse residents on the north shore. Most are clustered along the broad, shallow stream that connects Tagish and Marsh Lake. Here the water becomes shallow and power boaters should throttle back, watch for the bottom and stay in the middle of the stream. The river moves at about two miles (about 1.5 km) per hour and offers excellent lake trout fishing. The small town of Tagish is near the end of the stream just before it enters Marsh Lake. A spur of the Alaska Highway, which runs from Jake's Corner to Carcross and up to Whitehorse, crosses the stream at Tagish and often so many people will be fishing on the bridge that you have to be careful to avoid getting entangled in a line. Tagish is the site of the first permanent establishment of the Mounties, who set up a post there to collect customs and serve as a checkpoint for stampeders enroute to the Klondike. Before that, the Tagish band of Indians had camps there because of the good fishing and hunting nearby. This site is also the junction of the two lake trips. The first, just described, is of the beginning of the water route to the Klondike. The next chapter describes an alternative headwater lakes trip which brings boaters to Tagish. From Lake Atlin to Tagish Many travelers believe Lake Atlin and the small town of Atlin is the most beautiful area in the North. It is the largest natural lake in British Columbia and is 66 miles (106 km) long and from 2 to 5 miles (3 to 5 km) wide. It is studded with islands ranging from tiny rocks to the vast Teresa Island with 6,755-foot (2059 m) Birch Mountain. The view across the lake from the town of Atlin is one of the most impressive anywhere in the world. Not far away Atlin Mountain 6,656 feet (2028 m) rises majestically from the lake and a rock glacier flows slowly, steadily from a cirque high up on its face. The town of Atlin has an easy-going charm, which is being preserved by the new people moving there—many immigrating from the United States—who want to keep the casual life of semi-isolation. Atlin is 61 (98km) miles south from the Alaska Highway over a gravel road, and a total of 113 (181km) miles from Whitehorse. Since the road ends at Atlin, it is not one of those places travelers see on their way somewhere else; they must be headed for Atlin if they are going to see it. The visitor to the town should plan on extra time to drive out to the ghost town of Surprise at the head of Surprise Lake east of town a few miles. Old gold mining operations and abandoned dredges are scattered along Pine Creek, and a few miners still work and rework the old claims. An ideal way to see this chain of lakes--Lake Atlin, Grahame Inlet, Taku Arm and out to Tagish and Marsh to intersect with the route just described--is to rent a freighter canoe in Whitehorse and arrange to have it taken to Atlin, then follow this route to Whitehorse. This makes an excellent trip for a two-week vacation. The shore of Lake Atlin is virtually deserted today. Only a handful of summer cabins and trapper’s shacks can be seen along the route. It isn’t unusual for campers to travel this route and not see another boat on the entire trip. A suggested route is to cross the lake from Atlin and follow Torres Channel south between the west shore and Teresa Island. This avoids the open lake that can become very rough and takes you along the western shore with the Coast Range to the west and the clusters of islands to the east. This route is by far the most beautiful way to see the lake because the scenery on the eastern shore is not dramatic. Early in the summer you can see cow moose and calves on the islands, where the cows take them for protection from predators. Excellent campsites are at the southern end of Teresa Island and on the small islands south of it, such as Copper Island. The most protected campsites appear to be on the northern side of Copper Island in what is known locally as First Passage (the first route from the north between the islands back to the open lake). Second Passage is a wider body of water and more exposed to wind on the shore. The numerous bays and inlets that can confuse you while seeking a passage through to the open lake, and it is best to ask for recommendations and landmarks to watch for before leaving Atlin. The following day, if the weather is calm, you can go on down the lake to Llewellyn Inlet and hike back to the glacier. Since there are several unpredictable factors involved in traveling on such a large body of water, it is best to break camp and carry everything with you rather than leaving your gear at the first night’s camp. You might be raided by a curious, hungry bear; you could become marooned by a storm; you might want to stay at Llewellyn longer and camp there, and worst of all you might forget your landmarks and spend hours looking for your portable home. Llewellyn Inlet curves around a point, then heads straight back to the Coast Range and Juneau Icecap between sheer cliffs on either side. The trail to the glacier begins at a gravel beach to the west of Llewellyn River, and the trailhead is very protected from the wind. The trail is named the Stewart James Trail in honor of the late Mr. James who led tourists back to Llewellyn Glacier. The trail heads up through the gnarled and wind-twisted timber, over boulders and finally down to the moraine plain where the glacier has receded. By crossing the stream at a shallow spot, you can walk all the way to the glacier's snout, which stretches for more than a mile across the valley floor. An alternate, shorter route follows the stream on the west side to an outcropping of rocks that gives a high, overall view of the glacier and mountains behind. Right at your feet is a clear stream emptying into the glacier milk river that creates a green ribbon in the white river. The trailhead is an excellent place to camp in case of heavy winds that can sweep down from the icecap in the afternoon and evening. Generally, the early mornings are calm and you can get out of the inlet and back into the protection of the islands before the heavy winds return. It is worth noting here that the deepest spot measured in Lake Atlin is 800 feet (243m), at the head of Llewellyn Inlet. After returning to Atlin, you should re-provision and top off fuel tanks because it is the last chance until Tagish, which is more than 80 miles (130 km) by a direct route and about 120 miles (193 km) if you make all the recommended side trips. The river begins at Scotia Bay, across the lake to the northwest from Atlin. Remains of a railroad depot and traces of the roadbed lead back into the timber. Just below the head of the river are some old, rickety platforms out over the river used by sports fishermen when the railroad was in operation. You might also consider hiring of a guide in Atlin to help you down the Atlin River. The two-mile-long river runs at about 10 miles an hour and is filled with rapids, boulders, backwashes and shallows. It is very dangerous for canoes and kayaks, less so for larger boats. It should be run in late June or early July before the high water period in late summer, when the force of the current literally stands the river on its edge in a few places. Atlin River is difficult to scout from the bank because the railroad bed does not follow closely to the bank. It involves a great deal of brush beating to study the stream before taking it on. When the water is lower in the early summer, the main danger is hitting rocks just below the surface and losing a shear-pin or propeller. To run it without first scouting it involves considerable guesswork because of its shallowness and the inability to quickly maneuver a power boat. Obviously, many boats and canoes have run the river with absolute safety, and this is not intended to scare everyone away from it. But it is meant to encourage caution. There have been drownings on the river, some by experienced whitewater kayakers and canoeists. When the river empties into Grahame Inlet, the safest route is to run on out into the inlet a few hundred feet to avoid the shallow bottom, then swing back around to the railroad station at Taku, where there are sheltered places to tie up out of the wind. Taku is privately owned now, but the owner generously permits camping with the plea to leave the area clean. It is an interesting place to camp and poke around the old buildings and railroad shops. The waiting room still has the benches for passengers' convenience and there are numerous tools and pieces of railroad equipment scattered around. The dock is sagging, but still has three narrow-gauge flatcars parked there that were too heavy or expensive to transport out when the steamboats stopped running. Offshore a few feet is the hulk of a steamboat resting on the shallow bottom, and back up in the brush are several small cabins in which railroad workers lived. Some still have furniture in them, but vandals have done their duty and tom much of the furniture into debris. There is excellent grayling fishing at the river mouth and Grahame Inlet is noted for its lake trout fishing. You can easily spend an extra day at Taku hiking along the lakeshore or up the old railroad right-of-way, fishing and trying to imagine the area thirty years ago. Two miles down the inlet from Taku is an abandoned sawmill with a group of cabins and machine sheds in good condition. A hunting guide uses the cabins in the autumn, which probably accounts for their good condition. Outside are numerous saw blades, a steam plant, belts, etc., and several piles of rough-sawn lumber left unsold or undelivered when the sawmill closed. It was built in part to cut ties for the Taku-to-Scotia Bay railroad, but also provided lumber for home building and other uses in the area. Grahame Inlet runs 16 miles 25 km) from Taku to Golden Gate, where it enters Taku Arm. A few homes have been built along its shores, mostly summer residences. Grahame Inlet leads into Taku Arm at a place called Golden Gate, named for the brilliant fall colors in the area and the marvelous view of the mountains that as you enter Taku Arm. Like the other long, narrow lakes of this area, Taku Arm is noted for its heavy swells. It is best to head directly across from Golden Gate to the western shore from Golden Gate, then follow that shore south. When the arm swings sharply to the west toward Ben-My-Chree, it is safest to cut across to the opposite or south side, and follow that shore on to the end. The return trip with a following sea can be made on the eastern shore to see both sides of the arm and the old mine and town over there. Taku Arm offers very few campsites along either shore because it is rocky and hemmed in by steep mountains on both sides. By following the shoreline closely, an occasional smooth beach can be found among the rocks. Due to the unpredictable weather, many boaters do not explore the southern half of Taku Arm below Golden Gate. But the trip is worth whatever discomfort may result. When you reach the final curve in the arm and the Florence Range stands up directly above the icy water, sheer as a canyon wall to more than 7,000 feet (2133 m), the spectacular view is one that is not duplicated anywhere else in the area. If you cannot continue on to the end of the arm, a small, rocky island near the south shore has good campsites sheltered from the wind and with good beaches for tying up the boat away from the waves. Here, you can pitch a tent with a view out to the stunning Florence Range and watch the midnight sun manipulate the colors of the rock walls and the snow on top. At the very tip of the arm are the remnants of a long, rickety pier sticking out over the mudflats from the glacial silt. This is the entrance to the charming ghost town of Ben-My-Chree. To avoid having to play steeplejack and climb up to the dock, it is best to follow the shallow stream on the right, or north, up beside the cliff and beach the boat beneath the pier. Ben-My-Chree began its colorful history as a mine up in the hills above the buildings. Unfortunately, the mine collapsed and the owners never reopened it. Instead, they began importing plants and trees from all over the world and turned the place into a garden. The owners, Mr. and Mrs. Otto Partridge, came from the Isle of Man and named the place, which in Manx (the Isle of Man language) means "girl of my heart." Partridge joined the gold rush but got no further than Lake Bennett, where his skills as a boat builder were badly needed. He operated a boatyard called the Bennett Lake & Klondike Navigation Co. building one model of paddlewheelers for the lakes and another flat-bottomed version for the river. Interestingly, any steamboat that went to the river could never return to the lakes again. Once they made it safely through Miles Canyon and over the White Horse Rapids, they were unable to cross these navigational barriers again. After the railroad put his boatyard out of business, the Partridges and a family friend operated a gold mine in the Coast Range beyond the very tip of Taku Arm. The mine collapsed and killed 10 workmen, and the Partridges lost all interest in mining. In the meantime, their home, Ben-My-Chree had become a garden spot. The Partridges loved flowers and growing vegetables, and by a fluke of nature they lived in a microclimate of moderate temperatures in an otherwise hostile climate. The WP&YR steamboats that ran from Carcross to down the lakes began stopping there on a regular basis. Passengers tramped down the long pier and onto solid ground to follow a trail that led between pine, fir and numerous kinds of shrubs. They were served tea and cakes and rhubarb wine, and were free to stroll out among the formal gardens and sit in a gazebo with a small, cold stream running through it. After their deaths six months apart in 1930 and 1931, the transportation company, WP&YR, continued operating the garden spot until 1955, when the Tutshi was beached forever at Carcross. The Partridges had been squatters on the land, with the blessings of the British Columbia government and had never actually owned the land. The informal arrangement continued while WP&YR maintained the place, but when the steamboats stopped and WP&YR abandoned the place, the government put the property up for auction and a Vancouver family bought it as a summer place. Today Ben-My-Chree now is owned by a Vancouver, B.C., resident. Due to its isolation, Ben-My-Chree has not suffered the ravages of vandalism to the extent of other stops along this route. The buildings are still in relatively good shape, the furnishings are intact, and in one building is a bulletin board with several hundred business cards thumbtacked there over the years by visitors. Part of the pier has sagged down to the mudflat, but the whimsical statuary still stand in the yard, including a gigantic wooden mosquito and a dwarf prehistoric monster. The next stop of interest on the return trip is at the Engineer gold mine on the east shore about 10 miles from Golden Gate. It is one of those heartbreaking stories among mining circles of a site that had the gold, but never quite enough. It received its name from the fact that a group of engineers working for WP&YR discovered it and began operating it in 1899. It was sold in 1907, then idled by litigation, then opened again in 1924. In 1930, a power dam was built on the Wann River, a few miles south of the mine, barely in time for the mine owners to run out of operating capital and close it again. The mine has not been in operation since, but there are always rumors that this or that group is going to open it again. A trail leads from the mine back down the lakeshore to the power dam, now gone, and a cluster of buildings still stand. Some are owned by summer residents. The mine building runs up the hillside and shows evidence of numerous additions as the mine was enlarged. As Taku Arm runs past Golden Gate, it narrows somewhat and several islands of various sizes are scattered around. Campsites are abundant north of Golden Gate, and most boaters select one near a stream entering the lake because it is easier to catch grayling at a stream's entrance. The west shore is steeper and less marshy than the east side. It is recommended that you stay on the west side because there will be fewer mosquitoes than in the marshy areas. One of the few places you have to watch the bottom is near the entrance of Deep Bay where islands stand in the middle of the lake. There are pinnacles sticking up that lead from the shore to the islands, and can be easily avoided by watching for them in the clear water. The beauty along upper Taku Arm is so constant, yet changing, that it is easy to take it for granted. It is not the rugged, spectacular beauty of the lower end, nor the Switzerland-type of scenery around Atlin. Rather it is a subtle beauty with modest mountains undulating into the distance and thick forests of spruce and willow interlaced by small streams and game trails. On a calm day the mountains and trees reflect themselves perfectly in the water and the color of the water turns the reflected sky into a deeper blue-green with the clouds standing out in bold relief. One of the several side hikes available from the lake—perhaps the best—is up Racine River to Racine Lake. The river ends with a big noise as it tumbles down to form Racine Falls less than 200 feet (60 m) from the lake. A trail leads up from an old dock to a viewpoint directly in front of the falls with spray washing over you as you watch the different shapes the water takes in its tumble. The trail winds through beaver-thinned forests to the lake and across a flume dug there years ago for a power project that has been long abandoned. Other side hikes can be made on old trails to Fan Tail Lake and Tutshi Lake. These are not maintained and are grown over except where animals have kept them open. This brings up the subject of bears. There are various opinions on the wisdom of carrying a high-powered rifle while traveling in grizzly and brown bear country. Some argue it is foolish to go unarmed into the northern wilderness; others argue the opposite. Many naturalists have never carried a firearm while traveling up there; they credit noise with keeping themselves out of trouble. They carry bells on their packs or something of that nature to be sure they do not surprise a bear. The choice is for each individual to make, but it cannot be overemphasized that those carrying a rifle should know how to use it properly. An inexperienced marksman, or careless one, can cause more trouble than an unarmed hiker who heads for a tree. A wounded bear is an incredibly mean bear, and a companion accidentally shot—or a wounded lone traveler—is a prospect too grim to contemplate. The question of firearms is a problem to be resolved by each individual. The one exception to this rule is handguns. They are not permitted in Canada so leave your Dirty Harry sidearm home, locked in a cupboard. As Taku Arm nears Tagish Lake, the mountains gradually flatten and become gray and barren. There is virtually no vegetation growing on them, and the forest runs to their bases and suddenly stops. These low, granite mountains are characteristic of the Tagish to Lake Laberge area, and no high mountains are seen again until the section of river below Laberge. Ground Effect Review
'Ground Effect' tells the whole story of how Tim got to Alaska Sunday, March 31, 2002 By ANN CHANDONNET THE JUNEAU EMPIRE "Ground Effect" by Archie Satterfield. Archie Satterfield has written an eminently readable juvenile novel in the "Gentle Ben" tradition - although small planes take the place of big bears. For the sake of readers who are not aviation buffs, he defines ground effect: "When an aircraft prepares to land on a runway or water, just before touchdown the air trapped beneath the wing creates an air cushion, called the ground effect. While riding on this cushion the aircraft feels like it wants to continue flying. Some people are also susceptible to this phenomenon." The main character is Tim, a 15-year-old who studies by correspondence at home in Jeffersonville, which is located "just far enough from Juneau to avoid suspicion" - a leading phrase if ever one was penned. Tim has no birth certificate, and he considers a man known only as G.P. as his grandfather. The year is 1938, Tim learns about art and music through a "weekly cultural experience" from a neighbor, Noel Morrow, a stampeder in the 1897-98 Klondike Gold Rush 40 years before. Before the first chapter ends, the reader knows that Tim's father, Grant, is lost somewhere in the direction of Atlin, British Columbia. He was last seen flying an orange and silver Fairchild in the vicinity of Mission River. They find his plane where Grant had to make a forced landing and "ran out of lake," with a mangled propeller almost hidden in the snow. Grant is only slightly injured. It would be a shame to give away the entire plot. Suffice to say that through a series of carefully plotted and realistic maneuvers, Grant and Tim get marooned together on the same lake, and much of the rest of the novel gives us bits of how they get out of there alternated with details of the reason Tim has no birth certificate, details of his father's past and the identity of his mother. There is a smidgen too much of Grant talking about his past, excused with the sentence "Situations like this make you think." For the most part, however, this is a novel that succeeds very well. There is discussion of what brings "misfits" north and getting "bushed" and how to manage a lean camp in the wilderness. Any city kid would love it. Any kid who wants to fly will be ecstatic. Satterfield has done his homework: He acquired maps of Juneau during the period of the book from historical collections librarian Ann Doyle at the Alaska State Library. He climbed around on the Stearman at the Tillamook (Ore.) Air Museum, and got information on flying a biplane on floats from a retired United Airlines captain. Relatives introduced him to biplane owners in Illinois, and a pilot for Northwest took him for a ride in a Stearman. A former resident of Seattle, Archie Satterfield is author of more then 30 books. A retired newspaper and magazine editor, he lives near France's Loire River. Ann Chandonnet can be reached at achandonnet@juneauempire.com. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Another veteran writer on the North turns his hand to young adult fiction with "Ground Effect." By Debbie Carter Fairbanks News-Miner Archie Satterfield's tale concerns Tim West, a self-reliant, 15-year-old who is becoming an excellent pilot. He has no birth certificate, and the mystery surrounding his birth, which his father won't discuss, prevents him from living the life of a normal teenager. Home is a bay far enough from Juneau to avoid suspicion. The bay's residents, a collection of misfits and characters, watch over Tim with affection. When Tim's father crashes his plane on a lake high on the Juneau icecap, the teen is the only person who knows how to fly a Stearman on floats, the only plane that can take off and land from the small lake. In addition to making a dangerous landing with litter room to spare, Tim must take off in a short distance. His injured father cannot help. This is a story about self-reliance, growing up and making adult decisions. Set around 1940, "Ground Effect" has a lot of good descriptions about flying small planes over glaciers in Southeast and in the Atlin, B.C., area. Satterfield relied on several pilots for a feeling of authenticity. Any kid who dreams of flying will love this book. Satterfield is the author of several books about Alaska and the Klondike, including "The Alaska Airline Story," "Chilkoot Pass" and "After the Gold Rush." - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - GROUND EFFECT by Archie Satterfield Reviewed by JoAnn Roe Flyers of all ages will recognize the authenticity of this story about flying in Alaska, its perils and the sometimes dangerous beauty of the mountain country. At 15 years of age Tim is a skilled pilot of aircraft that include a demanding Stearman, a biplane on floats. He and his father operate a flight service from a remote lake south of Juneau, Alaska, a community with its share of characters of shadowy pasts but staunch friendships. The hamlet is an extended family for Tim, who has never known his mother nor why his father Grant avoids explaining the circumstances of Tim's birth and childhood. Tim remembers his father landing near a building somewhere, picking him up, and the fright first and exultation second when the two flew for hours in an open-cockpit plane to Alaska. The youth has never dated a girl, seldom partied with teens his own age, and is woefully ignorant of city ways. Yet he is content in the womb of his "family." When his father is reported missing on a trip to Atlin, British Columbia, he and an adult friend take to the air. They readily locate Grant, but he has crashed below a glacier on a lake so small that the developing dilemma is how to get him out. A veteran author of 30 books and countless magazine articles, Archie Satterfield weaves an absorbing saga of how the youth manages to land on the lake, is stymied from leaving, and fights for survival with his father. Confronted with death Grant finally tells his son about his beginnings. Although Satterfield is not a pilot himself, he has consulted with expert pilots and flown in a Stearman. This reviewer is a pilot familiar with Alaska and recognizes that meticulous research has given credibility to the story. Adults and teens alike will find the book a page-turner. It is available at or can be ordered from Barnes & Noble and other major bookstores. (Review by JoAnn Roe, author of 14 books,hundreds of magazine articles and the former owner of a flying service in Bellingham, Washington) ![]() The Lewis and Clark Trail
They continued to see signs of the grizzly, and on April 17 Lewis wrote his attitude toward the Mandans and the feared bear: "tho' we continue to see many tracks of the bear we have seen but very few of them, and those are at a great distance generally runing away from us; I therefore presume that they are extreemly wary and shy; the Indian account of them dose not corrispond with our experience so far." On April 29 Lewis began his education on them: “Set out this morning at the usual hour; the wind was moderate; I walked on shore with one man. about 8 A.M. we fell in with two brown or yellow (white) bear; both of which we wounded; one of them made his escape, the other after my firing on him pursued me seventy or eighty yards, but fortunately had been so badly wounded that he was unable to pursue so closely as to prevent my charging my gun; we again repeated our fire and killed him . . . these are all the particulars in which this anamal appeared to me to differ from the black bear; it is a much more furious and formidable anamal, and will frequently pursue the hunter when wounded. it is asstonishing to see the wounds they will bear before they can be put to death. the Indians may well fear this anamal equiped as they generally are with their bows and arrows of indifferent sizees, but in the hands of skillfull riflemen they are by no means as formidable or dangerous as they have been represented." Oviously, he had learned a little about the grizzlies, but not enough. On May 5 they killed another bear: “Capt. Clark and Drewyer [Drouillard] killed the largest brown bear this evening which we have ever seen. it is a most tremendious looking anamal, and extreemly hard to kill notwithstanding he had five balls through his lungs and five others in various parts he swam more than half the distance across the river to a sandbar, & it was at least twenty minutes before he he did not attempt to attack, but fled and made the most tremendous roaring from the moment he was shot." Tuesday, May 14, 1805, was a bad day. A very bad day. First, they tangled with another grizzly; Lewis described the action: “In the evening the men in two of the rear canoes discovered a large brown bear lying in the open grounds about 300 paces from the river, and six of them went out to attack him, all good hunters; they took the advantage of a small eminence which concealed them and got within 40 paces of him unperceived, two of them reserved their fires as had been preyiously conserted, four others fired nearly at the same time and put each his bullet through him, two of the balls passed through the both lobes of his lungs, in an instant this monster ran at them with open mouth, the two who had reserved their fires discharged their pieces at him as he came towards them, boath of them struck him, one only slightly and the other fortunately breaking his shoulder, this however only retarded his motion for a moment only, the men unable to reload their guns took flight, the bear pursued and had very nearly overtaken them before reached the river; two of the party betook themselves to a canoe and the others separated and concealed themselves among thewillows, reloaded their pieces, each discharged his piece at him as they had an opportunity they struck him several times again but the guns served only to direct the bear to them, in this manner he pursued two of them seperately so close that they were obliged to throw aside their guns and pouches and throw themselves in the river altho' the bank was nearly twenty feet perpendicular; so enraged was this anamal that he plunged into the river only a few feet behind the second man he compelled to take refuge in the water, when one of thse still remained on shore shot him through the head and finally killed him; they then took him on shore and butchered him when they found eight balls had passed through him in different directions." The day wasn't over yet. About the same time as the battle with the grizzly, another drama was being enacted in the boats. Both Lewis and Clark were on shore witnessing the near sinking of a pirogue with Charbonneau at the helm instead of Drouillard, who usually commanded it. Since they trusted Drouillard more than any of the other enlisted men, they had their papers, instruments, books, medicine, and a large load of trade goods in it. When the pirogue was abreast of Lewis and Clark, with Charbonneau, Sacajawea, Little Pomp, and Cruzatte all aboard with the precious cargo, a sudden squall hit the river and Charbonneau, a nonswimmer, panicked. “The steersman allarmed," Lewis wrote, “instead of puting her before the wind, lufted her up into it, the wind was so violent that it drew the brace of the squarsail out of the hand of the man who was attending it, and instantly upset the perogue and would have turned her completely topsaturva, had it not have been from the resistance made by the oarning [awning] against the water." The leaders stood helplessly on the bank, trying to shout instructions to the people in the boat who could not hear, and when they fired shots to attract their attention, apparently no one even heard that. To Lewis' and Clark's surprise the pirogue righted itself, even though it had gone all the way over on its side, but it came upright with the precious cargo immersed in half a boatload of water. Charbonneau disgusted everyone by becoming helpless, and instead of trying to help bring the boat under control, Lewis wrote, “Charbono still crying to his god for mercy, had not yet recollected the rudder, nor could the repeated orders of the Bowsman, Cruzat, bring him to his recollection untill he threatened to shoot him instantly if he did not take hold of the rudder and do his duty." Cruzatte saved the boat, and Sacajawea, who kept her wits about her, caught nearly all of the papers and other cargo that floated free when the pirogue took on water and with Cruzatte shouting dire threats, they were able to paddle to shore with the boat barely above the choppy water. Lewis was so frightened at the prospect of losing the precious material that he once started to jump in and swim out to the pirogue but wisely changed his mind because he knew he could not swim 300 yards. The next day Lewis wrote that the loss from the accident was relatively small, especially in light of what could have been lost. Several medical stores were completely destroyed as well as some garden seeds they had collected, and some gunpowder fell overboard and sank. Had they lost the entire cargo, the trip might have ended right then. Almost as an afterthought, Lewis wrote that “a white bear toar Labuiche's coat which he had left in the plains." By mid-May they were entering the rough, broken land of Montana that separates the Great Plains from the Rockies, and on May 21 they entered what is now called the Missouri Breaks, a dramatic area of towering sandstone and clay banks carved by wind and rain into fantastic formations. The river was swifter and shallower through that stretch as they passed more feeder streams, and the men were wearing out moccasins and leggings faster than before as they spent more time on shore pulling the boats upstream with towropes made from animal skins. To increase their discomfort, the wind blew almost constantly, sometimes hard enough to delay them for several hours, and it was always strong enough to throw grit in their eyes. ![]() Lake Bennett, part of the Yukon River headwater system. After the Gold Rush
Prologue The river had been rising steadily during the three weeks since breakup and the headwater lakes were filling with melt. Snow had left the lowlands in early May, but the ice lingered on the lakes until early June. Flowers carpeted the valley floors and new green foliage climbed hillsides up to the rockfalls beneath the granite faces of the mountains. And now we were on the swift river, drifting among rooted timber, sticks and debris swept up from the banks, silently passing trees leaning awkwardly out over the river, their roots undercut by the high water. And we watched sections of steep banks, also undercut, avalanche into the muddy, upwelling water. During the two endless days of June we spent at Fort Selkirk, the water level dropped enough to expose the bottom of the dirt ramp that leads from the river to the high bank, and we no longer saw the trees and debris rushing past. Across the Pelly River from Fort Selkirk where the Pelly River silently enters the Yukon we saw a long sandbar emerge from the water like a living thing that alternately grows and disappears with the cycle of seasons. We reloaded our boats and moved northward with the current toward Dawson City. We saw other people at the occasional highway crossing or major river intersection, but it was too early for other travelers who each year form a patchy parade during July and August. We had the river virtually to ourselves. There was nothing unique about our journey on the Yukon, even though we liked to think so. River travel from Whitehorse to Dawson City and beyond into Alaska was no more uncommon for Yukoners than traveling across the American West on Route 66 during the first half of this century. Before the steamboats were the Indians in their moose-skin boats, canoes and rafts, then the fur traders and trappers, the prospectors and the missionaries. After the prospectors began finding gold in the tributaries, the river traffic slowly increased until the big strike of 1896 on a small stream that feeds into the Klondike River near its confluence with the Yukon. Then the paddlewheel flotilla came, and the White Pass & Yukon Route's narrow-gauge tracks were laid over the windy Coast Range from Skagway to the downstream end of the treacherous Miles Canyon and White Horse Rapids, establishing the Yukon River as the transportation corridor from Whitehorse to the Bering Sea. During the winter months the White Pass & Yukon Route operated a stage line that followed the river to Dawson City, and in the spring of each year for more than fifty years all travel ceased during that awkward time when the snow was gone and the ice too thin for travel. When the ice at last cleared, they launched an armada of steamboats, canoes, rowboats, skin boats and rafts called "float-me-downs" that they sold for lumber in Dawson City. Those going upstream had two choices: they either rode the steamboats that had wintered in sloughs near Dawson City, or they tracked their boats along the bank, unable to paddle against the swift current. World War II altered the historic pattern. When the Alaska Highway was built across the bottom of the Yukon Territory in the early 1940s, spur highways soon stretched lines across the maps, heading for towns in the wilderness that few outside the Yukon had heard of and bringing others into existence. When the highway from Whitehorse to Dawson City was completed, it contained one feature that stated more bluntly than any government report could that the riverboat era was over and consigned to history. The highway engineers designed a bridge to cross the river at Carmacks too low for the high-hatted steamboats to go under. When the last steamboat on the river, the Keno, was taken downstream to be beached as a museum in Dawson City, the crew had to dismantle the top deck to clear the Carmacks bridge. The highway also cleared the river of population. The woodcutters' camps strung at about 30-mile intervals had been abandoned a few years earlier when the supply of good spruce wood was depleted and the steamboats converted to oil. Now the towns disappeared too. Only a few trappers remained with the handful of privacy lovers on the 460-mile stretch between Whitehorse and Dawson City. Steamboat freight rates were so high that it was impractical to remove all household goods from cabins, unless they were moving downstream and could haul their belongings in their own boats. For years afterward river travelers could stop in cabins and find them equipped with cooking utensils and china, bedding, furniture, and such amenities as curtains over the windows and books on the shelves. But over the years the houses were gradually stripped of the furniture, and some caved in from the weight of snow. Others were weather-ravaged after windows were broken and doors left open by vandals in the wilderness. We began, then, where most of the Yukon's history began: in the vast chain of lakes that form the headwater system in Northern British Columbia. True, there were entries from the interior of Canada by Hudson's Bay traders, and others went up the Yukon from its estuary in the Bering Sea. And during the two decades of prospecting that preceded the Klondike strike, men had wintered over at Circle City and Fortymile and Fort Reliance. But the Yukon as we know it today was settled by a south-to-north migration that began in Southern Canada and Northwestern United States, arriving by boat at Skagway, Alaska, and then over the Coast Range to Lake Bennett via the White and Chilkoot passes. During the Klondike gold rush of 1897-98 there were several thousand-about 30,000 is the most educated guess-who survived the winter on the passes and built boats on the shores of Lake Lindeman and Lake Bennett. From there they launched more than 7,000 boats in late May 1898 and headed downstream to the Klondike. We hiked the 32-mile Chilkoot Trail and saw the evidence of that mad winter: the abandoned townsites of Canyon City, Sheep Camp, Lindeman City; the cookstoves, boots, horse shoes and harness; the steam engine that powered an 11-mile long aerial tramway and the tripod-shaped supports for the tramway cable; the cemeteries at Lindeman City and Bennett; the trees cut when the snow was or 6 feet deep, leaving stumps nearly head-high; the tent sites dug out along the sand-bank on the shore of Lake Bennett. The more evidence we saw of the special form of madness that accompanied the gold rush, the more preposterous the whole episode became. Even in his most cynical moments, Nathaniel West could not have invented a more appalling story than the Klondike. It was an event only a Dante of the North could conjure up to frighten responsible men and women into staying home in more temperate zones. We were there in June, when the temperature ranges from 50 to 90 degrees above zero, and we slept most nights with our sleeping bags open. Those people who left so much evidence of their passing were there when the temperature dropped to 20 or 30 degrees below zero with wind that brought the chill factor down to 100 degrees below and when, in the words of one diarist, "the snow fell sideways." They suffered and died from scurvy; epidemics of spinal meningitis swept the trails. There were murders, public whippings, acts of courage and cowardice. There were avalanches that killed more than sixty stampeders in one day. And there were brilliant, warm days when the summit was packed with humanity, each person carrying load after load over the summit from Alaska into Canada, past the Mounties who lived in the blizzard-swept summit notch to collect duties and to require that each person bring 1,150 pounds of food into the country, a year's supply. We hiked the trail, carrying no more than 40 pounds each, insulting the memory of those stampeders by having lightweight tents, comfortable hiking boots, freeze-dried food, balanced meals and the option of calling off the whole trip and flying home. We climbed over the summit in a whiteout so absolute that we felt our way over the boulders and could not see rocks bouncing down toward us when those above shouted warnings. We descended into Canada past the high sterile lakes that are free of ice less than two months a year, through the treeless alpine meadows and over perennial snowbanks, and dropped down a switchback trail into the trees again, then down another steep hill to the shore of Lake Lindeman. There we pitched horseshoes that had been left behind three quarters of a century earlier and found broken bottles, cigarette cases, belt buckles, and bones from moose, caribou, or horse steaks. Thus we came to the river: well fed, our clothing lightweight and warm, our health in no danger of incipient scurvy. We were so far removed from the Klondike gold rush in both time and science that empathy was virtually impossible. Only geography remained the same. Geography is the only constant in the Yukon Territory, but nearly every book written about the Yukon concerns only its history; most of those are addressed to the gold rush. Strangely, only an occasional story has appeared about the steamboat era, and little of interest has been written about other aspects of the Yukon-the Indians, the trappers, the vast wilderness: the Yukon today. I won't presume to tell you this is a book about the entire Yukon Territory, nor is it an attempt to bring the Yukon's history up to date; that is a job for a professional historian with a research staff. But it is impossible to speak of the Yukon today without some reference to its past, and historical digressions must crop up from time to time. In an era when Canadians are seeking a strong national identity, and when there are occasional anti-American outbursts, I cannot remember a single occasion when anyone treated me as an outsider. They accepted me, as they will anyone, on my own merits. Home addresses are of no importance in the Yukon. In return for this courtesy, I do not intend this to be a book about a foreign country. I do not understand American politics any better than I understand Canadian politics. I do not have solutions to our native problems and I cannot and will not offer solutions to those of Canada. Rather, I am simply interested in the "nouns" of the place-the people, places and events with which I have become familiar. ![]() At the summit of Chilkoot Pass Chilkoot Pass
Chapter 5 THE BIG STRIKE The 1890s may have been a time of gaiety in some parts of the world, but not for many in the United States. The crash of 1893 precipitated the worst economic depression the country had experienced to that time, and the panic bore all the earmarks of a permanent disaster. Like most of the depressions that century, it was caused by an overexpansion of the railroads, wild speculation by enthusiastic businessmen, and an uneasiness on the part of European businessmen that caused them to sell American bonds, which in turn drained gold from the U.S. treasury. By 1894 thousands of businesses had failed and four million men were looking for work. The panic was directly responsible for the success of the Populist Party, which almost pushed William Jennings Bryan into the White House in 1896 and again in 1900. It was a desperate time, and American citizens had even fewer federal and state social welfare programs to fall back onto than during the Great Depression of the 1930s. One of the most desperate reactions was Gen. Jacob S. Coxey's Industrial Army, formed in 1894 to march on Washington, D.C., and demand that Congress give relief to starving workers. Soon "Coxey's Army" was marching eastward across the nation, stealing railroad equipment, even whole trains, on its way. One contingent was formed in the Seattle-Tacoma area and a regular army detachment was sent to head them off at Spokane The group of sixty-odd Coxeyites was unable to get a whole train to themselves, so at the town of Cle Elum they commandeered car and coasted the downgrade toward Ellensburg. They were given the right of way, but the tracks leveled off at the Columbia River and one presumes they came to a halt and were caught there. Another group stole a train near Spokane, and the railroad simply tore up a section of track ahead of them, causing a wreck. But for the most part, there was little excitement in the Northwest during those lean years. The vast majority of people more concerned with getting the next meal than solving the problems of the nation. Fortunately, there was enough wild food available on Puget Sound and in the lakes and rivers and forests and the towns to keep most people from starving. Seattle was so small--fewer than 50,000 people--that bear and deer could still be killed between Elliott Bay and Lake Washington, there were enough clams and bottom fish in the Sound, plus migrating salmon in the Duwamish River, for all. Among the factors that set the stage for the overwhelming response to the Klondike gold rush was the general mood, the mental state, of the whole nation at that particular time. The American Dream had turned into a nightmare for many immigrants. The promise of free land in the West had become a prison with the horizon its walls. People who had first fled Europe, then filth and corruption of the East Coast cities, found only hard with no prospect of the milk and honey they had thought the new land offered. The refugees from the industrial society of York, Boston, Pittsburgh and Cleveland found that clean air and water alone are not enough. The railroads had effectively put an end to the westering mystique; once the west became accessible its attraction and mystery were gone. Evidence indicates there was a general paranoia sweeping the n. There were probably as many senseless killings then as Insanity and mental breakdown was rampant. Thousands afflicted with what came to be known as cabin fever, but d of being trapped in a small cabin by winter, they were trapped by geography and poverty. Some social historians have called the 1890s a period of psychic crisis for the country, and those who survived the Great Depression of the 1930s will understand something of the mood of the 1890s, even though there seemed to be more hope in the 1930s that things would eventually brighten. There is another similarity between the two periods: Both were ended dramatically, almost overnight, by a single event. Just as the outbreak of World War II ended the Great Depression, the Klondike gold rush ended the depression of the 1890s. The Klondike gold rush began on Saturday, July 17, 1897, and before a week passed, newspapers were announcing the depression was over and money was circulating again. Gold rushes were as much a part of American life as the problem of leisure time is today. There had been gold rushes to Colorado, Wyoming, Arizona, then the big one of 1849 to California, followed by smaller stampedes to Oregon, Idaho, Washington and British Columbia. There had been a small one or two into Southeastern Alaska, but the big one continued to elude prospectors in the north. For two decades or more a trickle of prospectors had worked the streams that feed the Yukon River. Some worked up from the estuary on the northwestern coast of Alaska. Others intercepted the river by heading over the Chilkoot Pass route. They found enough gold to keep them coming back season after season, or to build rough cabins at Circle or Fortymile and winter over. There was also enough gold found in the early years of the 1880s to bring traders in with small steamboats to make a single trip up the river from the coast at St. Michael each summer. A few traders lived among the prospectors and obtained most of their provisions through Seattle merchants, who often owned the paddlewheelers and coastal vessels that called on other Alaskan ports en route to St. Michael. By the late 1890s, there were perhaps a thousand prospectors, wives, traders and hangers-on along the Yukon River, most of whom were living around Circle, or around Fortymile where the best strike yet had been made. The majority of these prospectors were from the Seattle area, or at least it had been their last address before heading for Alaska. There was also a sampling of Californians and Canadians, a missionary or two and a small detachment of Mounties sent up by the Canadian government to keep the peace, even though nobody was sure then whether Fortymile was in Alaska or Canada. Civilization was creeping into the wilderness almost as though in preparation for the gold rush that fate had in store. Old-timers from the period delighted in telling how they lived before the gold rush, of how they used a team of tame moose to pull a plow, and when the moose proved unsatisfactory, they hired local Indians to pull it. They had their own system of justice, which appeared to work reasonably well, and when it came to food, shelter and firewood, they were scrupulously honest. Cabins had no locks, and gold nuggets left lying around the claim sites or pokes left inside the cabins were as safe as if they were locked in a Wells Fargo vault. Thieves had no place to go. When the big strike was finally made in August 1896, the towns of Circle and Fortymile and the little creeks where prospectors worked were vacated. Everyone streamed into what became Dawson City to file claims on the streams that fed the Klondike River a few miles up from its confluence with the Yukon. All that autumn and winter they worked, sinking shafts through the permafrost down to bedrock where the gold was. They built cabins, and chopped firewood to heat them and to thaw out shafts in the permafrost to get at the gold. They worked all that winter until the spring thaw carried away the river ice and the two or three paddlewheelers could make their annual 2,000-mile run upriver from St. Michael. Only then would the outside world hear of the strike. Unfortunately, it has never been recorded what the skippers of the paddlewheelers thought that June of 1897. But when they arrived, the miners were waiting with their sacks, cans and boxes of gold, still wearing their patched and torn clothing, some suffering from scurvy. What a magnificent shock it must have been to those captains. At St. Michael the now-wealthy miners transferred to two coastal steamers, the Excelsior, bound for San Francisco, and the Portland, for Seattle. Aboard the Excelsior were at least four men and women from Seattle, one of whom was T. S. Lippy, former manager of the Seattle YMCA. He told a reporter in San Francisco that he wound up on that ship, and in the wrong city, because he couldn't get a berth on the Portland. He and his wife brought out at least $50,000, but nevertheless it wasn’t a happy trip for them. They had taken a young son with them to the Klondike and he had died during the Yukon winter. Lippy and his wife spoke of the tragedy often; their new wealth had already extracted a heavy price. The Excelsior landed in San Francisco on July 15, 1897, and the miners were treated as a curiosity by the city. They were followed by reporters wherever they went. As soon as they struggled down the gangplank with their booty, they surprised hack drivers by demanding that they be taken immediately to the Shelby smelting plant to have their gold assayed and bought. Only then did they go to the Palace Hotel, where they engaged the best suites, had long-overdue baths, bought new clothes and began celebrating. “The professor [Lippy], since arriving here, has been the recipient of considerable attention, and is surprised at the large number of friends he seems to have in San Francisco," a reporter remarked wryly. "At the Palace Hotel, where the professor and wife are stopping, a continual stream of visitors poured in on them, till they were compelled to call |